why Bangladesh separated from Pakistan the capital debates 2022 part 1

Defeat is the name of a very tragic situation, especially when its pain is being read in everyone's eyes. December 16, 1971 is the last time I have seen this nation collectively in a world of sorrow and grief. It was incredible for everyone. The bitterness of this experience was even greater for me because I had just reached a few stages of consciousness, had learned to love this land of Pakistan not emotionally but rationally and had begun to try to understand the symbols of state and politics.

why Bangladesh separated from Pakistan the capital debates 2022 part 1
why Bangladesh separated from Pakistan the capital debates 2022 part 1

I was exactly 12 years old when the country's first martial law administrator, Field Marshal Ayub Khan, announced the celebration of the "Decade of Development" on the tenth anniversary of his rule. Rallies began to be held in schools and colleges. Apart from my family, I made the first trip of my life from Gujarat to Rawalpindi, where Scouts from all over the country came together in "Jamboree" to celebrate this development. I had no interest in sports and had nothing to do with scouts, but "Jamboree" had national level speech competitions, in which I was taken to participate.

My cup, which had won the speech contest in the same "Jamboree", was lost to the crowd, but what a beautiful day it was to find it after a little hesitation. A procession carrying banners against Ayub Khan was seen in groups of four. On this day it was learned that section 144 also exists which if enforced then if five or more people gather in one place then it becomes an unlawful assembly, therefore people in groups of four. Take out the procession. The rest of the year was now colored by these protests.

Every day one or another group would be on the streets. The commotion escalated. In those days news was usually spread by heart. Radio was good, TV was limited to a few houses in the city, and there was a "new age" in the newspapers, with news and headlines suggesting that something was happening in the country. Long before the riots against Ayub Khan, many stones had shaken in the silent pool of national politics. Mother of the Nation Fatima Jinnah's meeting at the Horse Show Ground in Gujarat and the hymn of Habib Jalib's famous poem "I do not believe" still resonate in my ears. Attending this meeting was the first time in my life that my gentle father had beaten me.

They were tired of looking for this eight-year-old "devil" child in such a large crowd in the auditorium, when I saw him, his anger was noticeable. The atmosphere after the election of the motherland was also very bitter. Stories of Ayub Khan's sons being involved in the burning of Karachi's slums were heard on the terraces and intersections, but suddenly the war of September 1965 turned in favor of Pansa Ayub Khan. The joys of the 17-day war and its aftermath made the people united. But this happiness proved to be very temporary. Only four months later, in January 1966, an agreement was reached between Pakistan and India in Tashkent.

At every meeting, people would attend in the hope of finding out the secret from this box and would return with the hope of the next meeting. Bhutto passed away but the secret of Tashkent could not be known. With the passage of time, people started gathering and a continuous movement was formed against Ayub Khan. People were familiar with almost every politically popular face. Because all of them were prominent in the politics of West Pakistan, but with one face and name, not only me but most of the Pakistanis suddenly came to light in February 1969.

After several days of searching the newspapers, all the information obtained gave the impression that the "Agartala conspiracy case" was in fact a conspiracy against Pakistan, aimed at separating East Pakistan with the help of India. Of course, what was read in these newspapers led to the conclusion that Sheikh Mujibur Rehman is a traitor. During this period treason and patriotism certificates were widely distributed and their distribution was monopolised by a particular newspaper. Conditions were deteriorating, during which Ayub Khan convened a round table conference on March 3, 1969.

At the same time, pictures of all the leaders appeared in the newspapers. For the first time, the importance of Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan was realized by the fact that he had been chosen by the opposition as the head of negotiations. Numerous pictures of Sheikh Mujibur Rehman were published by newspapers. He looked like an attractive man wearing a black vest over white pajamas. After being released from prison, such smiles are usually on the faces of politicians, as if they have won a great battle.

Ayub Khan left. Yahya Khan seized power by force. A few months passed in the senate of change, but then the political activities started. For us Gujaratis, Yahya Khan's presidency was nothing short of a surprise. A senior military officer who used to visit General Rani's house on Sargodha Road, but on several occasions he would get off the helicopter in the open field in front of him and meet him. Such a person can also become the president of the country, there were rumours everywhere in the city.

That is why the people of Gujarat have long been acquainted with the anecdotes and stories about Yahya Khan which started appearing all over the country after December 16, 1971. That is why after December 16, 1971, the procession which took to the streets of Gujarat in a state of rage, ended with the stoning of General Rani's house. The two characters remained completely separate from the round table conference convened by Ayub Khan.

One was Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and the other was Maulana Abdul Hameed Bhashani, a Communist revolutionary from East Pakistan. Bhutto's isolated and non-conciliatory politics was very similar to today's Imran Khan. Making fun of every leader, believing everyone to be unreliable and presenting himself as the Messiah to solve Pakistan's problems


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